Pætland

Pætland, officially the Democratic Republic of Pætland (Sæxisc: Folcrīcelicu Cyneƿīse þæs Pætland, Prythonaidd: Gweriniaeth Minddhutaidd y Gwlad Mawn, Kinh: 共和民主坦叹盆) is a located in West Yoju. Pætland borders Sora to the west and south and Talamh Chaonaigh to the north. A stretch of coastline in the east marks Pætland's only access to the Northern Ocean. The country is a rated by observers as a "struggling" "semi-" or "developing" democracy. First inhabited during the, the country is considered the national homeland of the Sæxon and Prythonaidd-speaking Gwaela peoples, who together make up the vast majority of the population. The terrain is chiefly low hills and plains, with the mountainous Highlands of the north giving way to agricultural land in the central and eastern areas, and vast bogs in the west and south. It is these peat bogs which gave the name "Pætland" to the country. The population, which is largely concentrated in the industrial region of north Miercnaland and in the region of Greater Ƿitanageburh, is the only major centre of the reformed pagan tradition called in Sæxisc Bældægdōm.

Etymology
The name "Pætland" is derived from the Sæxisc words "pæt" and "land", which mean peat and land respectively. This is a direct translation of a colonial-era designation of Pætland and its surroundings as a country abundant in peat, which is a fossil-fuel made up of partially decayed vegetation. Prior to colonialism there was no Sæxon name for the region itself. The official longform name of the country is the "Democratic Republic of Pætland", which refers to its constitutional basis as a under a republican form of government. Pætland has three official languages, of which the second most widely-spoken is Prythonaidd. In this language, which is related to Cairngwisghwye and Teiydhwye (and more distantly to Gwaela Alba), the country's name is Gwlad Mawn, which is a direct translation of Pætland's Sæxisc name. In Kinh, the other official language, 坦叹盆 (Đất than bùn) remains official, again being a translation of Pætland. 顺土 (Thuận thổ), meaning "bountiful soil", is the current usage in Vạn Xuân and though it has gained popularity, in Pætland it remains unofficial.

Prehistory
The region encompassing today's Pætland was first inhabited shortly after the end of the first ice age, by mesolithic hunter-gatherer peoples. This was not permanent sedentary occupation and it is believed these peoples migrated seasonally across the landmass. Gēamann's caves date back to around 10,000 to 9,000BC, as does the Cyngscēapford refuse tip, some one thousand years before the. It is believed this mesolithic population was devastated by the so-called "Grēatbrima disaster" which together with climate change weakened the population and facilitated their displacement by incoming. Though these proto-Itihasic peoples brought agriculture and domesticated animals - including the horse - they inhabited the region for a relatively brief time from 4000BC to around 3000BC before being either displaced or assimilated by proper. Remains of settlements throughout Pætland, including in counties Pætlandƿaldasby, Æþelingtūn, and Elþeodstrand suggest that organised hierarchical societies took hold around this time, as the size of enclosures grew as did the population.

Bronze age "crouched-grave peoples" are the first major group living in the region that is well-attested in the historical record. Believed to have migrated from what is now Sora and Norikwhum, the "crouched-grave peoples" introduced both copperworking and bronze into the region, and from the number of remains with visible wounds, appear to have developed something of a martial culture as well as an artisan one. As Pætland is not particularly mineral-wealthy and is for the most part hemmed in against the Highlands, the "crouched-grave peoples" existed for a far longer length of time in Pætland than in neighbouring territories, and appear to have remained in the region long after neighbouring peoples were displaced by incoming Gwaela.

Bronze & Iron Ages
It was only from c.500BC that Gwaela peoples displaced or assimilated these indigenous tribes. The ancestors of the modern-day Prythonaidd-speaking Gwaela (now called Cymbry) came to inhabit the area from this time. The precise relationship of Prythonaidd to other Gwaelga languages is disputed, with the University of North Pætland arguing that Prythonaidd forms a language family with Teiydhwye and Cairngwisghwye ("lowland Gwaelga" theory) and the Bakusaian convention maintaining that Teiydhwye, Cairngwisghwye and Meonrwhwye form a language family ("Gogeruseomal languages"). What is clear is that Prythonaidd-speakers migrated from areas along the Mulberry Ocean to the area of Pætland as part of the larger Gwaelic migrations and subsumed existing populations in the region.

The establishment of Cymbric petty kingdoms and the introduction of ironworking marked the beginning of the Pætlandic iron age. Large tracts of land came under the control of chieftains who through successive periods of war and peace oversaw a massive expansion in agricultural, religious and cultural development. A written form of writing was introduced from the north,, and a form of Gwaelic paganism took hold throughout the country. This period, called in Prythonaidd yr Hen, is noted for a wealth of literature and music as well as the lifetimes of famed druids and, who founded druidical lineages that remain influential today.

The last major migration into the region occurred after the year 400AD. Primarily a movement of Niđerseaxons and Ængles, but also of Ēotas, Gēatas, Francans and Frescans, these peoples (together called Sæxons) this migration was first prompted by the legendary invitation of King Foirtchern (᚛ᚃᚖᚏᚈᚉᚓᚏᚅ᚜) of the Icēns. As local rule weakened and fractured, Sæxons arrived en masse and subjugated the various Cymbric kingdoms with the exception of Ogledd Rheged, Deheuol Rheged and Elfed which survived into the colonial era.

Medieval period
These various tribal groups had no sense of common identity in the early part of this period, which is known as the Pætlandic medieval period. Different tribal groups coalesced into tribal petty kingdoms, which varied in number and extent until roughly 580AD when the following kingdoms emerged: The Ēotic kingdom of Cantƿaraland, the Ænglic kingdoms of Dere-Beornice, Miercnarīce and the kingdom of Sægesænglaland, as well as the Niđerseaxon kingdoms of Ēastseaxnarīce, Ƿestseaxnarīce and Sūþseaxnarīce. These kingdoms, in addition to warring and raiding, saw similar cultural, economic and religious development but did not develop a common identity until the arrival of Sabbatarian evangelist Gregory of Meridiune. Whilst a resident of his native Sora, he is said to have encountered Ængle slaves for sale at market, which moved him and inspired him to spread the gospel in the region. He arrived in the country in 597AD. Though black-hat sabbatarianism did not see much success beyond the Ēotas, and several royal courts, it (together with other missionary-religions like Jaatunism and ) served as a tremendous cultural catalyst during the period. The advent of religious communities including the Sabbatarian mission of Gregory of Meridiune (and his successor Augustine of Cantƿaraburh) caused a substantial reaction from the overwhelmingly pagan population. Whilst the pagan identity of many tribes and peoples was reinforced, starting with the Ealleþing of 634 the religion began to become radically reformed. In particular, the messianic nature of Sabbatarianism and Myeongism was quickly adopted, as was the organisational structure of bishoprics and dioceses. Eventually, after many controversies and several subsequent Ealleþings, the new "reformed paganism" or "new school paganism" broke with the established tradition by maintaining the Germanic legends were narrated wholly in the past tense; that had in fact already occurred and the world was governed solely by  (Bældæg) not by Woden, Tiw or Thor. Baldr, already a figure similar to and influenced by the concept of the Messiah, was considered in a similar light, even coming to be portrayed as a suffering martyr. Apart from reducing the appeal and spread of Sabbatarianism, this further consolidated the Sæxon identity and differentiated it from neighbouring peoples.

In the first decade of the Sæxon kingdoms Cantƿaraland was the pre-eminent, especially as a major trade entrepôt. However, soon afterwards Miercnarīce eclipsed Cantƿaraland and remained an important petty kingdom controlling the central regions of Pætland and holding sway over no fewer than twelve major tribal groups of whom nine were Ængle groupings. This kingdom reached its greatest height under King Offa, a celebrated figure who ruled from 757AD. However, the dominance of Miercnarīce did not last after several incapable rulers and the Kingdom of Ƿestseaxnarīce came to predominate from the 870s onwards, Väinlased raids notwithstanding. Throughout the period from the year 1000 and for several hundred years subsequent to that, the kings of Ƿestseaxnarīce remained more-or-less paramount over the other kingdoms and their tribal divisions. This was only ever broken by rebellion - chiefly on the part of Miercnarīce or the Pengƿernings - or by invasion from the Gwaela Alban chiefs to the north. The supremacy of Ƿestseaxnarīce, situated as it was on the coast and in the prime agricultural territories of southern Pætland along the Līcteselēomafeoraflēot river, was maintained as the Sæxon identity became stronger and the various tribal groups began to view themselves as subsets of a wider Sæxon people. The kings of Pætland from at least the year 1250AD began to be referred to as the Sæxonƿalda "wielder [of power] over the Sæxons". The period 1250-1400 is generally regarded as being a golden age in the region, the so-called "Sæxonƿalda period". Cultural, social, religious and technological development was pronounced and Ƿestsæxon kings ruled with little controversy, particularly as religious controversies had largely died down.

The "Sæxonƿalda period" ended around the year 1400 when the Ƿestsæxon court began to break down under economic and social strain. The reasons are complex and not fully understood but are likely related to the shifting of trade patterns, overgrazing and environmental depletion, and the growing power of both the Empire of Éicenrad and the principalities in what is now northern Sora. The kingdoms reasserted their independence and Pætland fell into a dark age. It was only in the late 1600s that the inland kingdom of Dere-Beornice became the paramount power. Due to the gradual movement of tribal populations, the Ænglic tribes of the Derenians and Beornicians had expanded their territory at the expense of the Suþmierce and Ūtermierce tribes of the Kingdom of Miercnarīce. As a result, Dere-Beornice became the foremost kingdom and all excepting Ƿestseaxnarīce and Sūþseaxnarīce bowed to the inland kingdom.

From 1455AD the entire region fell into between the rival cadet houses of Dere-Beornice's Æthelfriđing dynasty. One faction, based in Lonceaster fought another based in the nearby settlement of Eoforƿic. The Lonceasters were supported by Ƿestseaxnarīce, Éicenrad and the major landowning families of the Ƿreocansæte and Magonsæte tribes. The Eoforƿicings were supported by the Pengƿerning and Hƿicce tribes, as well as landowners throughout northern areas. After well over thirty years of intermittent fighting where the Eoforƿicings often had the upper hand - a combination of Lonceaster loyalists and Gwaela auxiliaries eventually triumphed. Important battles included that at, an hours-long fight during a simultaneous snowstorm and lightning storm, and which saw the final victory of the Lonceasters. Whilst the civil war ended in 1487, the conflict permanently destabilised the region: Not merely in terms of lives lost and resources despoiled, but in growing inequality between regions that suffered, and regions that remained out of the war, such as Ƿestseaxnarīce and Sūþseaxnarīce. The relative supremacy of Dere-Beornice continued, though not without competition from Ƿestseaxnarīce, which over time swayed more territories to its side; most notably the Middelseaxna. This contributed to growing tensions, and a corresponding fall in technological & social progress. This prolonged the dark age, which in many ways continued into the 1700s. Throughout the 1600sAD the territory remained fractured and only stable insofar as the various tribal groups remained identifiable. Very few natural resources were found in the region and as a result of a massive silver shortage the coinage was severely debased. Coupled with the effective collapse of Dere-Beornician authority in the 1660sAD, slave-raiding along the coast and a series of peasant revolts the so-called dark age ended ignominiously. The situation stabilised in the 1690s and 1700s as a committee of Þegns and Ealdormen forced constitutional change within the kingdom of Ƿestseaxnarīce. An Ealdorþing was created with broad powers, instituting a primitive form of democracy at Ƿintanceaster. This proved a necessary innovation and together with a string of able kings ensured a second long-lasting period of Ƿestsæxon supremacy.

The Ƿestsæxon supremacy saw a massive leap in societal and cultural change. New technologies from Sora and Ioccuèighe were widely adopted by the more well-educated and civilised Ƿestsæxon court. Advanced bookkeeping, trade innovations and military innovations were adopted under the rules of Ælfred VI, Ēadƿeard II and Coenƿulf. In particular, a badly-needed revolution in mining and quarrying occurred under Coenƿulf, which saw greatly improved trade with regional neighbours. It is said the royal capital Ƿintanceaster was a glittering metropolis with many houses of worship and towering palaces. Modern farming techniques were controversial and spawned several peasant revolts as enclosures replaced traditional subsistence farms. In particular, it was during the early 1700s that the last vestiges of independent Cymbry power were swept aside, as Ƿestsæxon and Miercnan forces took over Elfed.

Ante-colonial Pætland
It was after this time that Sinjuan explorers from Jungju travelled the region. Throughout the 1700s explorers, chiefly from Hokan, Jeongmi, Fusen, Longzhou and Vạn Xuân explored the so-called "Sæxon principalities" in search of trade routes, resources and treasures. As the 1700s turned into 1800s, a vast corpus of Jungjuans roamed the region: Surveyors, demographers, traders, statisticians, civil servants, soldiers and a vast number of explorers.

The Hokanese were the first to maintain a substantial presence however. Seeing the deplorable condition of the Gwaelic Cymbry masses, who had been reduced to landless serfs little more cared for than cattle, Hokanese charitable institutions in Pætland established so-called "Sinju Institutions". Far more benevolent than the more aggressive government agencies operating further north, these charitable schools sought to educate the Cymbry who by culture and temperament were apparently seen to be similar to Sinjuans. Whilst vast tracts of land were colonised during the early 1800s, Pætland was not. The land was not rich in minerals, was neither poor nor wealthy in grain, fish and meat, and had no major seaport. Various powers, chiefly Hokan, Longzhou and Vạn Xuân contented themselves with treaties with the indigenous rulers, such as the Vạnxuânese arrangement with Constantīnus of Cantƿaraland allowing access to the harbour at Sūþtūn. This changed in the mid-1800s for a variety of reasons ascertained by historians. This includes the Hokanese takeover of Talamh Chaonaigh in 1833 and the subjugation of Sora's northernmost tribes at around the same time. Assessors from Longzhou, as part of the Report of the Imperial Geological Survey of West Yoju, first alerted Jungju to the fact that the natural wealth of Pætland was far greater than previously suspected - at the same time the Report was published, Ƿestseaxnarīce fell into civil war. The Ealdorþing had increasingly become divided along religious lines as "orthodox" reformed-pagans came into conflict with "iconoclasts". Tensions reached a peak after the death of the iconoclast King Odda and the ensuing fighting crippled the kingdom. Most infamously, the Kingdom of Miercnarīce - seeking to reassert its independence from Ƿestseaxnarīce - began a campaign of harsh suppression against the Gwaela minority. Hated and envied for their educational development at the "Sinju Institutions" Cymbry were massacred, deported and pressed into forced marriage.

At Ka-me-lou [Camledun] for instance was related of a teacher in the "Kamelou Teacher's College", a gentle, refined Gwæla girl, speaking Jeongmian, knowing music and calligraphy, attractive by the standards of any land, who was given in enforced marriage to the þegn of a neighbouring Sæxon village, a filthy, ragged ruffian thrice her age, with whom she still has to live, and by whom she has borne a child. - Hwang Report.

It was perhaps the latter reason that convinced the Sinjuan powers that "civilisation" had to be enforced upon the Sæxon principalities - especially after the Jeongmian Hwang Report was published, urging "humanitarian" colonial intervention. It was Vạn Xuân that won out in establishing its presence in the region, at first invoking the treaty with Constantīnus of Cantƿaraland to establish a beachhead in Cantƿaraburh. Ƿestseaxnarīce - in chaos as it was - fell quickly to the Vạnxuânese. It was only Miercnarīce that held out military resistance against the Kinh invaders, though eventually Offa IX was killed in battle - an old flintlock no match against Sinjuan firepower. Pacification of rebellious tribes, in particular the Derenians and Western Gēatas, continued for decades to come, but this did not prevent the declaration of subjugation of the Sæxon principalities in 1862.

Colonial Pætland
There was no current name among the Sæxons or Cymbry for the land they lived in, only for their various kingdoms. As such, the Vạnxuânese adopted a new term, relatively utilitarian: "坦叹盆", simply meaning "land of peat". From the beginning the colony had to be pacified, with colonial authorities having to demarcate boundaries and secure valuable territory in the region as quickly as they could. As such, in the early period 1862-c.1890 the Sublime State pursued something of a "dual policy": Reliable allies were cultivated, such as Constantīnus of Cantƿaraland, Ƿinta VIII of the Lindesƿara and Ƿihtgar III of the Ƿihtƿara on the one hand, and on the other harsh reprisals were meted out against rebellious peoples.

The colony's great wealth lay in deposits of peat soil, a carbon-dense form of partially decayed plant matter which was at that time a desirable form of fossil fuel. It was used overwhelmingly as a source of heat, peatfires used to warm well over 80% of homes throughout the country. Because of the large reserves of coal and not insubstantial amounts of timber, the territory quickly became a massive exporter of fossil fuels. The economy of the country was re-oriented to facilitate this, with rail lines extending from inland peat cutting regions to ports on the coast. One of these ports, Gadinmær (家定㵋, Gia Định Mới) became a massive metropolis within a few short decades and a significant Kinh-populated urban centre. Gadinmær became the colonial capital of the colony, usurping the place of traditional capitals like Ƿintanceaster, Ƿindlesore or Tomtūn. The export of bricks of peat, as well as the reserves of coal heretofore untapped, helped fuel the burgeoning industrial revolution in Vạn Xuân and across Jungju. As the value of the territory became more apparent, increasing numbers of Kinh soldiers were imported into the region and a veritable force of bureaucrats and administrators began to be stationed at Gadinmær, in addition to the prior elements of industrialists and pioneers. The "dual policy" was continued and indigenous élites were co-opted as best as possible. Educational institutions were re-introduced throughout the territory - though now aimed at the sons of Sæxon landowners, rather than Gwaelas. Vạnxuânese honours were bestowed upon the élite, and colonial administrators even resettled convicted prostitutes into the territory in an abortive attempt to create a loyal creole class.

Largely dependent on the whims of colonial governors, domestic affairs within the colony took a turn during the late 1890s as Vạn Xuân slowly became more militaristic. The "dual policy" was ended by governor Lê Trại Trường Sơn, who as one of his first acts abolished the tribal monarchies of the Ƿihtƿaras, Gēatas, Ēastseaxe, Suþseaxe and Francans. Trường Sơn, the longest-serving governor, elected to replace indigenous leaders with Kinh mainlanders. The period of his governorship (1896-1922) was a cruel one, which prohibited the learning of indigenous languages and customs, forced land reform, and the introduction of mandatory curfews. In particular, Trường Sơn resumed a policy of enticing settlers to the far-flung colony. However, successive years of state education - in both Pætland and mainland Vạn Xuân, saw a small minority of educated middle-class Pætlanders emerge. A clique centred on Æđelberht Cantƿicing, Osƿald af Scēađfeld, Cuþbert Gīsling and Ēslēah Niorđson founded the Yojuland Peoples’ National Liberation Front in 1918, with Nguyễn Hồng Khanh and Hilda Hœlsdohtor founding the Communist Party of Pætland around the same time. The Y.P.N.L.F. was an amorphous group whose only ideology was securing independence for Pætland and ostensibly other West Yojuan colonies. Despite several years of inactivity, in the suspense before the onset of the Great Eulhae War the group picked up its activities and began a campaign of bombings and murders targeting colonial officials and military establishments. Though Æđelberht Cantƿicing would be killed in early 1922, the remaining leaders continued to attract mass popular support. Trường Sơn resigned later the same year and was replaced by a succession of minor military figures who failed to effectively deal with the menace.

When considering the ongoing hostility of the population to ongoing military rule; the growing expense and inefficiency of importing raw fuel from the colony as other, closer and more suitable deposits are found elsewhere; and the strategic indefensibility of the colony against Hokanese Hauxxin; the Advisory Committee on Peat-land concludes that managed independence is preferable to other courses outlined in this document. - Advisory Committee on Peat-land.

The Kinh continued to maintain control over the territory's urban centres, rail networks and resource deposits through the 1930s. However, governor Trần Hữu Ánh's brutal policy against civilians suspected of allegiance to the Y.P.N.L.F. or Communist Party caused public support for the rebels to skyrocket, especially in the industrial centres of north Miercnaland. Needing to mobilise as part of the newly-formed Contingent Powers, the government in Vạn Xuân ordered a review of the colonial system in Pætland. The Advisory Committee on Peat-land headed by Nguyễn Sinh controversially went beyond their mandate to recommend that Vạn Xuân cede the territory in a controlled compromise, to ensure no costly full-blown conflict with Y.P.N.L.F. partisans. Chancellor Ngô Bảo Châu's government accepted the recommendations, and unilaterally agreed to a timetable for independence, without the Y.P.N.L.F.'s input.

Postcolonial period
The Vạnxuânese administration, now led by civilian administrator Hoàng Văn Long, agreed to negotiations not only with militant leaders from the Y.P.N.L.F. (namely Osƿald af Scēađfeld and Ēslēah Niorđson) but with respected community leaders and moderates, including Episcopi Æliah II of Gadinmær, the Myeongist Patriarch of All Pætland. The negotiations with Episcopi Æliah were particularly fruitful, insofar as they established a fundamental framework under which to contest multi-party elections to a constitutional convention. Said elections took place in 1935 on a restricted franchise which saw the Y.P.N.L.F. and the moderate Folcsscieldƿeall win the Sæxon vote, the Cymdeithas y llanciau win the Cymbry vote and the alliance "National Pact Union / Association of Pætlandic Kinh / Citizens' Convergence" win the Kinh vote. These parties dominated the fraught negotiations over an independence referendum for Pætland. The Y.P.N.L.F. fought both verbally and often physically with the Folcsscieldƿeall and the N.P.U.-A.P.V.-C.C., with the latter parties advocating for a multi-racial democracy over the growing authoritarian tendency in the Y.P.N.L.F. Tensions continued to mount until Hoàng Văn Long was assassinated by unknown assailants. A brief civil war threatened and Kinh began to flee the colony before Nguyễn Sinh, onetime head of the Advisory Committee on Peat-land agreed to assume the governorship.

The constitutional convention eventually agreed on a constitution for Pætland, and new elections were scheduled. Episcopi Æliah won the provisional presidency at the convention, and the Y.P.N.L.F. emerged as clearly the most influential party. Anxious over looming hostilities in Jungju, the Vạnxuânese government of Ngô Bảo Châu approved of the constitution in late 1936. As the months before independence dragged on, the Communist Party under Nguyễn Hồng Khanh inaugurated a low-level insurgency, upset at being excluded from the constitutional process (their base being among Sæxons that didn't meet the qualification to vote). Furthermore, a continuing exodus of Kinh from the country caused substantial brain-drain and destabilised the N.P.U.-A.P.V.-C.C., becoming more radical. It was under these fraught conditions that agreement was eventually reached and Nguyễn Sinh announced Pætland was prepared for independence: A proclamation was issued 11ᵗʰ Guwol 1938, with Nguyễn Sinh and Episcopi Æliah journeying to Phú Xuân later the same day.

First Republic
A treaty, signed 21ˢᵗ Guwol 1938, established in the eyes of the international community an independent Pætland. Among those ignorant of the campaign of terrorism by the Y.P.N.L.F., and the now ongoing insurgency from the Communists, it was lauded for the peaceful transfer of power and both Nguyễn Sinh and Episcopi Æliah II were celebrated in the international press. However, upon returning to Pætland and overseeing the official independence day on 1ˢᵗ Shiwol 1938, things began to decline. The Y.P.N.L.F. and its new leader Odda Ælleson had won the elections a few weeks previously, under which 100 seats went to Sæxon and Gwaela voters, and 20 to Kinh. Under contentious circumstances, Ælleson had rather suspiciously won 78 of 100 seats, the remainder going to the Communists and Cymdeithas y llanciau. The new republic was essentially incapable: Functioning on a system of patronage and corruption, the export-dependent economy nosedived and persecution of minorities ramped up. The Cymdeithas y llanciau was banned from contesting elections as were the Communists, who were still in a state of rebellion.

The "first republic" quickly fell into discord and instability, further prompting a flight of Kinh business and commercial interests. On the 1ˢᵗ Irwol 1939 an internal coup deposed Ælleson in favour of Osric Gēamann Oslacing, but this did not avert political chaos. As the Communist insurgency under Nguyễn Hồng Khanh escalated, the Y.P.N.L.F. broke apart in a schism which saw the Y.P.N.L.F. (Oslacing) lose power to Ælleson's Y.P.N.L.F. (Retributionist). The period 1939 to 1941 saw continued chaos: no fewer than twelve attempted military coups and three successful coups occurred and there were seven Prime Ministers who served during the period. President Æliah was powerless to cease the chaos and was himself deposed during General Ēadgār Crīstesmæl's putsch though was restored during Brigadier-Colonel Landbeorht Geldþegn's counter-coup. Ethnic violence spiralled out of control and the Kinh population dwindled. Successive governments alternated between supporting participation in the Great Eulhae War or staying out of it, and no coherent economic policy was formulated. General Æþelric Osƿald's coup against the government of Drystan Kynddeligydd stabilised the situation, although successive governments were unable to aid the economy or halt rioting and ethnic violence.

Ængist af Ƿrēocensætescīr was the last major Y.P.N.L.F. Prime Minister, and served from 3ʳᵈ Iwol to 25ᵗʰ Sawol 1947. By this point the party was moribund, and its only ideology was using the treasury to pay off its support base. af Ƿrēocensætescīr, and his predecessors Æþelbert Kenning and Tiƿ Ƿyrdƿebba had begun actively persecuting minorities as a matter of policy, and had begun a drive to confiscate businesses and properties belonging to the Kinh minority. Even shortly after Nguyễn Sinh's death, his farm was confiscated and granted to a political ally of af Ƿrēocensætescīr. The capital, Gadinmær (Gia Định Mới), was renamed Ƿitanageburh. This situation changed with the election of Hilda Œngissætan, one of the developing world's first female leaders. Œngissætan's government actually managed to stabilise the economy and both this and her successor Osian Finn-Geldgifa's government enacted groundbreaking economic reforms which redistributed land away from élite interests and back to the peasantry. However, earning the wrath of the military caused the most massive and long-lasting military coup in Pætland's history.

Æþelþegnƿīne dictatorship
Æđelbryht Æþelþegnƿīne was born in Cantƿaraland to Ēastseaxon parents, and was enrolled into the fledgling Vạnxuânese air force shortly before the independence of Pætland. Even after independence, he continued his career in Vạn Xuân and fought in the Great Eulhae War. He graduated through the ranks during the fighting, and towards the end of Vạnxuânese participation in the conflict even led an air wing despite being a foreign national. After the end of the conflict in 1943, he returned to Pætland and was transferred into the Pætlandic air force with the rank of Air Commodore. After briefly serving in the government of Ƿidukind Þeodknosen he was promoted to Air Marshal, the highest rank in the air force. Gaining respect from the military establishment, most of whom had only served in tribal conflicts, by his charisma and frugality, Æþelþegnƿīne was approached repeatedly during the Œngissætan administration by leading military figures, as Œngissætan's policies had severely alienated Pætland's institutional élites. He agreed to lead a coup attempt only if in the following administration he had sole control of the country's budget. Hilda Œngissætan was overthrown on the 13ᵗʰ Guwol 1948, and a period known as the "Æþelþegnƿīne dictatorship" or "National Union state" began. It would last 32½ years.

Æþelþegnƿīne inaugurated a dictatorship that consistently featured himself as Prime Minister and Minister for Finance. Having abolished the office of president in Shibirwol 1948, he remained the head of state throughout. The first actions of the dictatorship were to reinstitute martial law and to return the privileges of the military, before renewing the fighting against Communist militants. However, the coming dictatorship would be dissimilar to neighbouring periods of autocratic rule. Æþelþegnƿīne at first indulged his compatriots but when his rule became secure and he devoted legislative powers to his own political organisation, the National Union, he began stripping power away from the military - anxious that no coup be attempted against his authority. Supported only be key figures in the army and navy, he transferred the military's powers to the National Union, which he described as a "non-political, non-partisan political party". Unlike contemporary strongman dictators, Æþelþegnƿīne gradually reduced the influence of the military, and sought to de-politicise the public via his National Union, which did not tolerate extremes of any kind, left or right, instead encouraging the public to become apathetic and apolitical. Æþelþegnƿīne also made efforts to ingratiate Pætland with its neighbours: Using his tight control of the treasury, he was able to tempt back business, commercial and industrial interests. Again, not by looting the country or wielding populist rhetoric but by dispensing state patronage. Despite his anti-Communism, Æþelþegnƿīne worked to mend relations with the People's Republic of Hauxxin and with the Republic of Sora. As part of a policy of deepening ties with other developing countries he even toured Miju, visiting sacred sites in Matobo and meeting heads of state from Wokajoor to Ambemarivo.

''He always led a very simple and austere life and resisted honours, monuments, distinctions, and special treatment, even in his own home province, where he had a small farm and liked to withdraw to tend it on holidays. Æþelþegnƿīne always loathed demagoguery, like in Sora and later Ioccuèighe ... he saw moderation as the key to stability, and stability to prosperity. That is why he invited the Sinjuans back, and worked with the élites, instead of overthrowing them.'' - Cerdic Cuþbertson.

On the domestic front, the dictatorship's evaluation is more mixed. Whilst over time the economy stabilised and growth resumed, the relentless campaign against Nguyễn Hồng Khanh's Communists saw arbitrary detention and the murder or "" of countless numbers of suspected militants. Furthermore, the continued collusion with business and military élites saw inequality steadily grow over Æþelþegnƿīne's thirty years in power. The continued prohibition on any political party other than the National Union saw political participation drop sharply - whilst that was the intention, it also ensured that abuses and corruption ran rife throughout the country. Nevertheless, defenders of the Æþelþegnƿīne dictatorship continue to argue that public order was maintained, and the minority communities of Kinh and Gwaelas recovered after years of neglect and persecution. It is argued that pursuing capitalist forms of economics prevented stagnation in the economy, though it is also argued that the bureaucratic and patronage-based system fostered a dependency on government that into the modern era has encouraged socialism.

Of all the facets of the dictatorship, the one most focused on, and most celebrated, is the personal characteristics of Æđelbryht Æþelþegnƿīne. Always modest and frugal, he never even wore his military uniform, let alone grant himself the kind of absurd titles and quantity of medals other regional dictators did - or even his own predecessors. Ēadgār Crīstesmæl, also a military dictator of Pætland, famously described himself as "Besetter af þe Ƿanscuanīsce Cyngsrīce Eallehƿær and Pætland in Besunder". Rather, Æþelþegnƿīne did not desire to build a cult-of-personality or the kind of ideological fascist state of the time, but encourage an apolitical environment that did not "worship" the ruler in a pagan manner, but encourage stability and prosperity.

Second Republic
After Æþelþegnƿīne's sudden death on his farm in Ƿōdensfeld, the weaknesses in what was now an aging and moribund dictatorship began to reveal themselves. The power of the National Union, coupled with an apathy in the population that it had fostered, led to an environment of corruption and impunity in government, which allowed the system to become decadent. Understanding that the dictator's system was on its last legs, his successor Cerdic Cuþbertson attempted to reform the government. He ensured that all National Union politicians and bureaucrats were elected, and abandoned the use of the  style of dress, which the conservative Æþelþegnƿīne had insisted on maintaining. However, such minor reforms did not avert the economy's steady decline and Cuþbertson stood down in Yuwol 1982 in favour of the noted opposition leader Ƿulfhere af Ælfredshȳd. Democracy was restored without incident as the National Union was broken up. af Ælfredshȳd's United Party would oversee the transition into a more-or-less full democracy until Bældæg Lofiantilƿōden's Social Democratic Front won the election of 1990. The vestiges of the military élite reacted with horror, and placed Lofiantilƿōden under house arrest. However, unlike in the first republic the people did not stand for military intervention and after the "aquamarine revolution" the coup leaders stepped down and allowed Lofiantilƿōden to resume his term.

Since that time Pætland has been a "struggling" democracy, which though fairly free and multi-party has struggled to negotiate the power-politics between elected politicians, military strongmen and entrenched industrial interests. The last election was in 2020, in which the incumbent Social Democratic Party (Geþeōdsmincudōmsdang) of Æþelflæd Nīƿetūn lost out to the resurgent Progressive-Conservatives (Forþþōht-Geƿunaƿeardings) of Hereƿard Bældæging and was the first-ever rated by international observers as "free and fair".

International boundaries
Pætland is situated on the northern coast of West Yoju, situated between Talamh Chaonaigh to the north and the Republic of Sora to the south and west. The land border it shares with Talamh Chaonaigh is mostly made up of the Pætlandic Highlands, an area of rugged terrain which was throughout much of history largely impassable. Where there is a sea-border with Talamh Chaonaigh, in the west it follows the midline between the county of Hiđer Leiþninatin and the Chaonaigh peninsula Leithinis na dTine in the county of Móinéar Beag. From that point the boundary remains in open ocean.

The border with Sora lies mostly with the Soran "State of Ealdørheim" and a small frontier with the "State of Norđaneiđrland", two of the linguistic-based states of Sora which formed after the Soran States Reorganisation Act. The border in the west is on open, though is underpopulated compared to agricultural and urban regions of either country. The western border is rugged and follows natural boundaries with the exception of some stretches of Cumbraland and Deretūn counties, and the long stretch of demarcated boundary to the south of Pætland likewise follows natural boundaries, including the peaks of hills and the course of rivers. This natural boundary, in contrast to other post-colonial countries which often have borders made up of straight lines, has resulted in numerous salients and protrusions which are often difficult to negotiate for local populations and governments alike. The maritime boundary with Sora is for the most part in open ocean. The border with Talamh Chaonaigh lies on the Highlands, and has few major settlements on the border. Though tensions between the two countries have often been enflamed, the terrain means that few border-crossings, military checkpoints and bases lie near the border: The most notable are at Ænglescynnburh, Caer Liƿelydd, Hƿītpecfyrdƿīc, Lincylene-on-þe-Mær, Talamgeheald, Toƿtatishūs-bineoþan-þe-Dūnstīg, and at Yeoguþsbēam. The border with Sora is far longer and over terrain that is neither impassable nor underpopulated. As a result, there is a greater military and administrative presence, and a much greater density of border-crossings. However, relations with Sora range over time from neutral to receptive, and as such the border is only so militarised as to facilitate good administration and to satisfy the needs and wants of the military establishment.

Geology
In the north of the country, the terrain of the Highlands is mostly Caledonide, made up of metamorphic and igneous rock formations. Throughout the west of the country is Ordovician and Silurian rock formations which create a natural biome of craggy uplands separated by heathlands and bogs. The central parts of the country, Miercnaland, is dominated by granite intrusions into what is otherwise coal-dense carboniferous rock in the north, and continuing Ordovician and Silurian rock formations towards the south. A thin strip of pronounced granite features is present throughout the counties Loidis and Fuđþerland, Cyngestūn, and Brādanford, which has created the trademark outcrops and of the region.

In the most populous areas of Pætland, the centre-east and the coastal eastern regions, a blanket of Carboniferous limestone encases the metamorphic rock beneath, creating a fertile agricultural region throughout Ƿestseaxnaland and Sūþseaxnaland. Coastal areas of Pætland, especially Cantƿaraland, have a thick bed of chalk throughout the, which is rich in flint and common minerals. The northern coastal regions continue with an unremarkable geology of Ordovician and Silurian rock and Carboniferous limestones.

Pætland has average reserves of minerals and metals, including iron ore, and large deposits of coal in the north Miercnaland region. Though Pætland has above average reserves of peat, coal and timber, the geology of the region is not conducive to the development of oil reserves and the country has zero oil production. Prospectors believe the country has natural gas fields, but the government has not shown any interest in developing this potential.

Climate
The ecology of Pætland lies in two provinces, according to the government of the Democratic Republic: A comparatively productive agricultural region in the far east of the country, and comparatively desolate stretches of heathland, peat bogs and craggy uplands throughout about two-thirds of the country's land area. With an, Summers are temperate and Winters are very cold as the country lies at a far-northern latitude. Inland areas are warmer in summer and colder in winter. Precipitation falls throughout the year, and is particularly heavy through spring as well as late Autumn. Through the Winter months, it snows and hails often. The entire country is fairly uniform in this regard, although the east is slightly wetter overall.

Administrative geography
Pætland is subdivided into 103 (scīrs), more commonly known as counties. Since the abolition of the country's eight provinces, a colonial-era institution, these counties are the first-level administrative structure of Pætland.

The counties are the basic foundation used for local government, planning and community development purposes, as well as a developing cultural element in the population. Each county is governed by a county council (scīrþing), which is the only legislative element in the country aside from the national parliament. The counties and their county councils are responsible for planning, education, community development and the provision of municipal and rural services. The 103 counties are required by law to have a designated name in the Sæxisc language, a designated capital in which the county council must be based, and must subscribe to the various laws and ordinances set forth by the national parliament with regard to their governance and administrative structure. Whilst the counties were established as part of far-reaching reforms of local government, particularly with a view to fostering grass-roots democracy and social participation, allegations have persisted that the county councils have been organised to reflect the institutional power of the incumbent Progressive-Conservative government. As county councils are steadily being granted more power, fears that they shall become a bastion of the Progressive-Conservatives outside of government, so should they lose future elections they shall still be able to maintain institutional control through the county-level administrative structure.

Constitutional make-up
The Democratic Republic of Pætland is a and a. The state is constitutionally defined as both democratic and a republic, describing itself thusly as a representative democracy under a republican form of government. The highest office in Pætland's government is the Prime Minister; there have been thirty individuals to hold this post since its creation in 1938. The constitution of the Democratic Republic of Pætland is a three hundred and thirty-six page document adopted on the 1ˢᵗ Shiwol 1938, amendments notwithstanding, but also incorporates traditions, conventions and other disparate sources which are compiled in several compendiums - the most notable of which is Ƿaldhere's , which is the most commonly-cited source within government and in academia.

Pætland is a parliamentary democracy, as it hold regular elections (every 5 years) from which its parliament is composed. It is from this parliament that the executive is derived, rather than a presidential system where the executive is elected separately from the legislature. The executive is headed by the Prime Minister, who is both the head of state and head of government, and has been since the abolition of the position of President in 1948.

Executive branch
The executive branch of government is one of three and is the seniormost of the branches of government. In essence, the executive branch is made up of the Prime Minister and their cabinet. The Prime Minister of Pætland is currently Hereƿard Bældæging of the Progressive-Conservatives, and has been since 1ˢᵗ Shibirwol 2020. The cabinet headed by Bældæging numbers 21 individuals aside from the Prime Minister himself, and contains members belonging to the Progressive-Conservatives, Civic Alliance, Economic Liberals, Farmers’ Party and the Unionist Party.

The Prime Minister of Pætland is the figure described in the language of the constitution as being able to "command the confidence of the Ƿitanagemot". In practice this means the leader of the party that can form a majority in the Folceþing becomes Prime Minister after a vote to that effect. The Prime Minister then remains in office so long as their party - or coalition - can maintain the confidence of the Folceþing. This position can be lost, due to:
 * The Prime Minister's own volition (resignation).
 * The Prime Minister becoming incapable of discharging their duties (death, illness, etc.).
 * The government losing a.
 * The Prime Minister losing the confidence of the speaker of the house (dismissal).
 * An election depriving the government of a workable majority.

The Prime Minister has a wide range of powers; among the most significant including the ability to form cabinets - appointing and dismissing ministers -, directing government policy and advising government whips, and representing Pætland on the international stage through the attending of summits & signing treaties. The cabinet of Pætland is what is most often referred to by the phrase "the government", and consists of both the Prime Minister and his ministers. The Prime Minister has sole discretion over who serves as a minister, excepting that a minister must be a serving member of either house of the Ƿitanagemot. In practice however, the formation of cabinet is heavily influenced by the make-up of the ruling coalition: Coalition partners are usually represented in cabinet according to their numerical strength in the Folceþing. In the case of the current cabinet 12 ministries are held by Progressive-Conservatives, 4 by Civic Alliance politicians, 3 by Economic Liberals and of the remaining two, one each are held by the remaining coalition partners - the Farmers’ Party and the Unionist Party.

Legislative branch
The legislative branch of government is the Ƿitanagemot, which traces its origins to the institution of the same name which once existed in the Kingdom of Ƿestseaxnarīce. The Ƿitanagemot has several functions, the most significant of which being to conduct debates, to write and amend legislation and to oversee and exercise oversight over the work of government.

The lower house of the Ƿitanagemot, the parliament of Pætland, is the Folceþing. The Folceþing is the most important of the two houses as it has the sole right to initiate legislation, can override the upper house, and is the house that forms and dismisses governments. The Folceþing is a wholly-elected body, which must face election at least every five years. All members are up for re-election during any one poll, and there are no nominated or appointed members. All members are elected from single-member constituencies utilising the electoral system excepting on military  lands where the Armed Forces of Pætland control elections. These cantonments, three in Greater Ƿitanageburh and one encompassing most of Colgræfs-af-þe-Ƿanscuanisce County, elect seven members in total using a proportional-representation system in constituencies ranging from three to one member. The Folceþing currently has 204 members, of a possible maximum of 205. Elections to the Folceþing are conducted on two lists: 184 members are elected on "Roll A", otherwise known as the "general electorate", and 20 are elected on "Roll B" or the "Kinh list". This is in accordance with one of the earliest provisions of the constitution, which guarantees that the Kinh minority always hold 20 seats in any Pætlandic parliament.

The upper house of the Ƿitanagemot is the Ealdorþing, the so-called "elder house". This is an advisory body, meant to scrutinise and amend bills that have been passed by the lower house. The Ealdorþing can slow or stall legislation by refusing to pass the bill, or by amending the bill in a manner that the lower house finds unacceptable, except with budgetary bills which can be passed by the Folceþing using a veto system. The Ealdorþing is elected at the same time the Folceþing is, except utilising multi-member constituencies with a proportional system. In addition, there are top-up seats that ensure the various parties are represented according to their strength of the vote (should the constituency results not reflect this). The number of top-up seats varies from ten to forty-five depending on the number needed to secure proportionality, though in practice this means the full forty-five are nearly always used. The Ealdorþing has attracted a reputation for being used mostly as a sinecure for party élites whom have not secured an elected position in the Folceþing.

Political parties
Since the re-establishment of democracy in Yuwol 1982, Pætland has been a multi-party democracy. Before the "Three Marshals coup" this was mostly a contest between the conservative United Party and the Social Democratic Front, though since that coup Pætland's politics have been dominated by the successors of those parties: The Progressive-Conservatives and Social Democratic Party respectively. Political parties in Pætland are much the same as elsewhere: Organised primarily according to ideology, but also networks of patronage and access to élite largesse. In Pætland, historically the left-wing parties have been more nationalistic, whereas conservatives have been internationalist and business-friendly. A defining feature is that both before and after elections parties typically form alliances - with the chief goal of avoiding vote-splitting by agreeing to contest set seats.

Economic overview
Pætland's economy is generally considered an open or semi-open economy, operating on a broadly capitalist model. It is a developing economy, with an underdeveloped or developing industrial base and a population which has a middling or moderate average level of education and of participation in the formal economy. The national economy is heavily dependent on primary industries including agriculture, peat-cutting and mining. The GDP of Pætland is neither impressive nor a cause for concern, and currently sits at just over 圓 100 billion. Foreign multinationals, and to a great extend domestic multinationals also, drive the economy of Pætland. The manufacturing industry based in and around Ƿitanageburh and north Miercnaland is dominated by large privately-owned multinationals, as are the coal-mining and peat-cutting industries the country is best-known for. However, both small-scale economic enterprises and the informal economy are major drivers of the economy.

Currency
The currency of Pætland is the Tael, derived from a form of colonial-era coinage introduced before the widespread adoption of the Thông Bảo. The symbol of the Tael of Pætland is "Wſ.", derived from the term ƿritscilling (both the letters "W" and "ſ" are archaic characters no longer used in the vernacular, replaced respectively by the letters "Ƿ" and "s". This allows "Wſ." to be viewed as a symbol, rather than as letters). It is unusually stable, and has suffered from a gradual rate of inflation rather than a sudden devaluation as others in the developing world have.

Industry
Pætland's industrial base lies in two principal regions: Ƿitanageburh and north Miercnaland. Ƿitanageburh developed as an export port during the colonial period, and is the site of many factories that convert raw material from the interior into finished products ready for export. Ƿitanageburh is also the major centre of services and administration as it is the national capital, and is situated in close proximity to centres of power in addition to being the country's largest population centre. North Miercnaland is the country's main region of coal-mining. It is in that region, therefore, that Pætland's iron foundries and steelworks are located, as the transportation of coal is expensive - meaning that the ironworks must be located as close as possible to the sources of coal.

The industrial economy of Pætland was traditionally export-heavy, although almost the entire country continues to rely on domestic energy sources. This domestic market has continued to persist as the export of coal, peat and timber has declined. This decline is mainly due to the discovery and exploitation of other, more convenient and efficient fossil-fuel sources elsewhere, and the lack of demand for coal or peat from Pætland's neighbours, many of which have their own resources or are developing a reliance on green energy.

Ethnic groups
The vast majority of Pætland's population fall into two distinct ethnic groups: The Sæxons and the Cymbry. The Cymbry are the oldest existing indigenous population of the region, and are closely related to the inhabitants of what is today Bakusai and parts of Talamh Chaonaigh. They overwhelmingly practise forms of Gwaelic paganism and speak the Prythonaidd language, which is a Gwaelic language that is heavily influenced by Sæxisc, Kinh and to an extent other Jungjuan languages like Hokanese, Jeongmian and Longzhounese. The Sæxons are the majority population, and are descended from the numerous tribal groups that migrated into the country after the year 400. These include (in order of population) the Niđerseaxons, Ængles, Ēotas, Frescans, Gēatas and Francans, which remain defining tribal groups into the present-day. They are united under the term "Sæxons" as they all speak the Sæxisc language. They overwhelmingly follow the form of reformed paganism called Bældægdōm, although a not-insignificant minority continue to follow older forms of the religion.

Since the colonisation of Pætland, various smaller national minorities have come to exist in the country. In addition to Sæxons (64%) and Cymbry Gwaelas (29%) there is a large population of Kinh people - who make up just over 6% of the total population. They speak Kinh, although most have a native-level understanding of Sæxisc. Most follow religions including and. Ethnic and national diversity varies considerably within the country, as most Kinh reside in Ƿitanageburh, with relatively few living outside the capital. Ƿitanageburh itself is around ¼ Kinh. Cymbry people reside throughout the country, although their share of the population declines noticeably from west-to-east.

Tribal groupings
Both Sæxons and Cymbry are divided into tribal groupings - what can be described in the case of the Sæxons as ethnic groups or sub-ethnic groups in themselves. The Sæxons are divided into six major tribal peoples, the Niđerseaxons, Ængles, Ēotas, Frescans, Gēatas and Francans. Of these, the Niđerseaxons and Ængles are by far the largest, approximating about three-quarters of the Sæxon people taken together, with Ēotas making up much of the remaining quarter.

Of the Niđerseaxons, there are eight major tribes within this grouping: Cantƿara Seaxe, Geƿissæte, Hƿicce, Līcteseflēotdene Seaxe, Middelseaxe, Suþseaxe, Ƿestseaxe and the Ēastseaxe. The Ƿestseaxe were historically both culturally and militarily pre-eminent over the tribes of the Līcteseflēotdene Seaxe and the Geƿissæte. Both considered satellite tribes of the Ƿestseaxe, the Geƿissæte do however have significant admixture from Ængles also. The Hƿicce and later the Middelseaxe were tributaries of the Ængle Kingdom of Miercnarīce, and the Cantƿara Seaxe were subjects of the Cantƿaras, so have significant cultural and religious connections to those peoples. The Suþseaxe and Ēastseaxe are smaller Niđerseaxon tribes. The Ængles, being a large ethno-cultural grouping have a similarly large number of tribes among their number. Unlike the Niđerseaxons, who live in the prosperous south and east, the Ængles reside in harder heathlands and uplands, and so these tribes tend to have larger traditional territories: The Ængles af Hƿītpec, Bernicians, Deirans, Lindesƿara, Magonsæte, Middelængle, Norþfolc, Norþmierce, Pecsæte, Pengƿernings, Suþfolc, Suþmierce, Ƿreocansæte and the Ūtermierce. Of these, the vast majority consider themselves branches of a wider Miercena tribe which goes unrecognised by the government. The Bernicians and Deirans are very closely related, as are the Norþfolc to the Suþfolc. Aside from these, only the Lindesƿara and Pengƿernings are culturally distinct from the other groups who are Miercena peoples. The Lindesƿara are a geographically isolated coastal people, and the Pengƿernings are the newest of all Ængle tribes - frontier settlers in Cymbry territories.

The only other grouping that has a substantial geographic population is the Ēotas. There are two tribes that are of Ēota background, the Cantƿaras and the Ƿihtƿara. Of these, the Cantƿaras ruled a significant kingdom in the south-east of the country. The Cantƿara Seaxe are considered Sæxons, although they have adopted Ēota culture due to inhabiting the same region as the Cantƿaras. Other, more minor groupings, number Frescans, Gēatas and Francans. The Frescans inhabit coastal districts, and continue to retain a highly-endangered indigenous language of their own. The Gēatas inhabit two distinct areas, and are divided into the Ēast Gēatas in Geatasþorp County and the Ƿest Gēatas in Cyngestūn County. Their culture is especially widely-celebrated throughout Pætland. The Francans, who number about as many as the Gēatas, reside in two distinct tribal populations also, in Mærcumbe County and in a population along the upper Līcteseflēot.

The Cymbry do not divide themselves into tribes as such, but recognise their ancestral kingdoms and identify along those lines: Ogledd Rheged, Deheuol Rheged, Elfed and Pengwern. This distinction, unlike among Sæxons, does not survive outside of rural western areas, and most urbanised Cymbry do not subscribe to any kin-based or tribal system. Those Gwaela Alba who populate the north-eastern counties retain their own system.

Languages
Pætland's de facto language is Sæxisc, although Prythonaidd and Kinh remain official languages. Sæxisc is a which is widely-spoken across the territory by all population groups and ages. Almost 70% of the country consists of monolingual Sæxisc-speakers, with around 8% being bilingual Sæxisc-Kinh speakers and another ~20% speaking both Sæxisc and Prythonaidd. Sæxisc is the only language used as a language of government and administration, although all three official languages are subject to specific legal protections including for public services and state-subsidised media - including news, radio and television. Other minority languages including Frescan, Classical Ēotan, Gwaela Alba and various dialects of the peoples of Sora are given no such protections.

Prythonaidd is a Gwaelga language which is subject to a minor linguistic controversy in that Pætlandic authorities (chiefly the University of North Pætland (Daccƿay af Norþ Pætland)) insist the language forms part of an extended language family called "lowland Gwaelga". Other institutions maintain that most languages of the ostensible "lowland Gwaelga" family are actually part of the "Gogeruseomal languages" family. Unlike Sæxisc Prythonaidd has preserved the use of "th" and "w" in the alphabet, though differs in more substantial ways, especially as it is neither as widely-used nor as prestigious as Sæxisc or indeed as prestigious as Kinh. The language is most widely-used in the west of the country, and is the language of daily life in several western counties including Þe Pætmȳrrs, Talæsinstīpel, Deaþbed af Myrllin, Ƿēalasland and Þēoƿcēap, Gyƿrtūn and Trystanesyllt county. Kinh is the language of the Kinh minority, who settled in Pætland during and after Vạnxuânese colonial rule. It, as a result of its privileged position during that time, is somewhat of a prestige language among the educated classes, as well as being widely-spoken among Kinh people as a whole. It continues to be used mainly in academia, in government and in economic circles, as well as a second language on signage and for services in the capital, where most Kinh-speakers live.

Religion
The Democratic Republic of Pætland is, like most West Yojuan countries, religiously diverse although - again, like many of its neighbours - has a culturally and demographically dominant religion; in Pætland's case, the religion of Bældægdōm, otherwise known as "new school paganism" or "new vehicle paganism". It is the only country in Tiandi with a substantial population of Bældægdōm's adherents. Other religious traditions have a following in the country, including other forms of paganism such as Gwaelic Paganism and "old school paganism", so-called "new religions" such as Myeongism, Sabbatarianism and Jaatunism, and religions introduced by the Vạnxuânese.

Forms of Germanic paganism have dominated the tract of land for several hundred years, and has had a pronounced influence on the culture and on public life of Pætland. A plurality of Pætlanders, 46%, are devout new school pagans, and the vast majority of those attend temple services regularly. Bældægdōm is a reformed form of Germanic paganism, which holds that Tiandi is the post-Ragnarök world as described in traditional paganism, as opposed to the more orthodox position that the world in existence is pre-Ragnarok. The Ealleþing of 634 is generally held to have been the beginning of the "new school" of thought, adopting a messianic view of the god Baldr in-line with contemporary Myeongist and Sabbatarian views of the messiah. The Ealleþing of 664, held at Strēoneshealh, established the view that Ragnarok had already occurred, and that as a result Baldr (Bældæg) was the only pre-Ragnarok Germanic deity that remained in existence. The religion is governed by an established hierarchy headed by a Heāhƿītga, under whom Arceƿītgas and Landƿītgas serve at a local level. The faith has numerous scriptures, though none of which are as particularly well-known as those of other religions.

The second-largest religious tradition is Gwaelic Paganism, related to but distinct from, the forms practiced in neighbouring countries. It is polytheistic, devoting worship to numerous deities including Lugus, Cernunnos, Belunnos, Brigindu and Toutatis. The religion, owing to influences from neighbouring cultures, likewise worships in an organised manner, typically in or near sacred geographical features such as groves, lakes and standing stones. The religion is governed by druids, a position which can be held by a man or woman, and is typically a role which combines the authority of a religious figure, an academic and a community leader: Requiring a high level of spiritual and secular education. Major druidical traditions have emerged in Pætland, highly respected in both Pætland and elsewhere. These include the druidical lineage of Taliesin, which is headquartered in Talæsinstīpel, in the county of the same name; and the lineage of Merlin (otherwise called the lineage of Merlin-Nimue). Headquartered in Ƿītgasford, this lineage was ostensibly founded by the legendary druid Merlin, though this is contested by other religious authorities that claim this honour, including in Bakusai and Talamh Chaonaigh. A political controversy continues to dog the religion as though druids in other countries, namely Talamh Chaonaigh, are elected or are appointed by various bodies / other druids, this is not the case in Pætland. Rather, all druids are appointed by the Cyneƿīsecu Inhryting for Ƿēalh-Ƿītgas a government body established to prevent "foreign infiltration" into the religion, and to regulate contact between co-religionists in Pætland and in Talamh Chaonaigh. Allegedly to ensure that the government of Talamh Chaonaigh cannot wield undue influence among the Gwaelic faithful, numerous authorities including Druid Goshild Gwenhyvar (head of the druidical lineage of Taliesin) have contended the Cyneƿīsecu Inhryting for Ƿēalh-Ƿītgas is used to repress the Gwaelic pagans.

''The Cyneƿīsecu Inhryting for Ƿēalh-Ƿītgas is a relic of the junta of the Three Marshals, an unwelcome organ of an oppressive military state that continues to affect the daily lives of almost three million people. The military, through the C.I.Ƿ.Ƿ., have banned me from entering Talamh Chaonaigh, Bakusai and Övlanda for twelve years now. I cannot attend summits, address crowds or publish statements outside of the counties of Ƿestmoringaland or Talæsinstīpel until 2026 at the earliest.'' - Goshild Gwenhyvar.

Among the various "new religions", as they are called in Pætland, the most numerous is Myeongism, followed by Sabbatarianism and Jaatunism. The three faiths arrived in Pætland at about the same time, mostly the work of missionaries. Myeongism was brought to the county of Sūþtūn by Frescan converts, merchants who brought several holy texts relating to the prophet Myeong. The religion remains small, currently numbering around 7% of the population. The religion is evenly distributed among all tribes and peoples, with the country divided into two Episcopates each led by an Episcopī, who are under the spiritual governance of the Magistrī of All Yoju. The most famous Myeongist in Pætland's history was Episcopi Æliah II of Gadinmær, who was at that time the Myeongist Patriarch of All Pætland. He was President of Pætland from 21ˢᵗ Guwol 1938 to 5ᵗʰ Shibirwol 1948, interruptions notwithstanding. The Sabbatarian religion is composed of three main branches, two of which are present in the country. The larger denomination is Black-Cap Sabbatarianism, which is practised by just under 5% of the population. This religion is concentrated in the country's south-east and is mostly practiced by Cantƿaras and upper-class Niđerseaxons. This religion was brought to Pætland by Gregory of Meridiune, an evangelist who followed the orthodox Matobwe form of Sabbatarianism. White-Cap Sabbatarianism is far smaller, and is practiced by isolated communities in the south of the country. Jaatunism is a religion practiced by small communities of Hƿicce tribespeople, teaching a dualistic cosmology with its origins in Mennefer. They are an object of curiosity for foreigners and have brought tourists to the deprived part of Pætland where they reside. The county in which Jaatunism is prevalent was named Ðātundōmalh in their honour, and again to promote tourism. The religions of Buddhism, Taoism and were brought to Pætland by Kinh settlers from Vạn Xuân. Many Vạnxuânese do not consider these traditions to be religion per se, but they are nevertheless considered such by government authorities. They have little following outside of Kinh areas, though with some success in converting people in urban centres and among some rural Cymbry.

Class
Social class is complex in Pætland, though has fallen in importance in recent decades. Traditionally, the upper classes have manifested in the following divisions, from higher to lower in social standing: Royalty, ealdormen, thegns and hereditary landowners often referred to as "gentry". Lower classes in Pætlandic society were usually arranged as ceorls, villeins and serfs.

The upper classes were historically, and remain currently, an exceptionally small fraction of the population. For example, only 1,840 surnames are related to the gentry class, which is the largest of the upper classes. The titled nobility are much smaller a subsection of the population that even that, with a mere few dozen individuals entitled to bear the title "Ealdorman". The upper classes were a significant element in the Democratic Republic's early history, with many Prime Ministers and parliamentarians coming from the titled classes. The lower classes were historically peasants and small-scale landowners although in the modern era the so-called "working classes" of the industrial centres have grown numerically far greater than the "agricultural" classes, as well as socio-culturally a more significant influence on class relations.

Whilst social class as a concept is less relevant in modern Pætland, there are still laws on the books protecting and restricting the use of noble titles, and all members of the upper classes are recorded in . It remains relevant in select areas, including the survival of so-called "".

Literature
Pætlandic literature is commonly used to refer both to literature produced in Pætland or by Pætlander authors, or less commonly used for literature associated with or concerning Pætland or its culture. Historically, epic poetry and longform literature dominated the landscape, although few survive in any length today, as many were composed orally and were not written down until much later. The most well-known Sæxisc-language literature from this time is the "", believed to be authored in Geatasþorp County. The oldest epic poem written in the Cymbric language is , written somewhere in Cumbraland, Deaþbed af Myrllin, Ƿestmoringaland or Hereƿardgeard counties. The art of prose picked up once more during the latter stages of the colonial period, as new forms and new authors were introduced to the country's educated élite. Celebrated authors including Ƿulfhere Beoccason, Æþelhild af Gadinmær and Nguyễn Văn Long were involved in something of a cultural renaissance in this area from around 1920 to 1960.

Music
Various styles of music are popular throughout Pætland, including indigenous folk music which remains an exceptionally popular genre both in its traditional form and in various innovative adaptations. In the period immediately prior to colonisation new forms of music swept the country, originating in urban centres such as Ƿintanceaster and Cantƿaraburh, which relied on a wider suite of musical instruments with origins further afield such as from Nukigurun. In recent decades popular music from the Sinjusphere has grown in popularity, particularly with the advent of the internet and mass-media.

Cuisine
Early medieval Pætland developed meat and savoury herb stewing techniques before the practice became common in West Yoju. Of the staple foodstuffs, bread and potatoes are the most commonly-used in Pætlandic cuisine, bread being a common staple that takes the place of rice across Yoju and potatoes being a far more recent addition as colonial powers fostered trade links between West Yoju and Yeongju. Rice is fairly common, but not as particular to Pætlandic cuisine as bread is. A popular sterotype surrounding Pætlandic people is that their food is dry and bland, mostly borne from a lack of indigenous spices and the substantial narrowing of the national palette following wartime rationing and lack of imports. Several institutions, including the National Centre for Culinary Industry are working to rectify this impression.

Sport
The most popular sport in Pætland is (hæobeall), a bat-and-ball game indigenous to the country. This game is played between two teams of eleven players each on a field at the centre of which is a 22-yard (20-metre) pitch with a wicket at each end. One team "fields" and the other is composed of "batters". Played over several days, it is often described as having a chess-like tactical element that other games (played over the course of minutes or hours) do not have. Despite its overwhelming presence in Pætland, it is not commonly played elsewhere. Cricket is the only sport which is domiciled in Pætland, governed by the Pætland Hæobeall Gamenscipe Inhryting. Other sports are popular, especially sports of Jungjuan provenance. Cuju is the second most popular sport, and one of the world's premier sports. Cuju originated in the historical empire of Cheonje, and the sport "beikou", a game played on grass or ice, is from Nukigurun. The World Federation of Cuju Associations has a branch office in Ƿitanageburh.

Army
The Pætland National Army, previously known as the Pætland Ground Forces, was formed from the Vạnxuânese colonial gendarmerie left over from decolonisation, forming the basis for the modern Pætland National Army. Headquartered in Ƿitanageburh, the army is now divided among eight "land orders". They are each named after one of eight classical elements, explicitly framed in opposition to the Sinjuan concept of four classical elements. Each "land order" is responsible for operating in a military district, though they are also relevant in the distribution of resources and in representation on the Army General Staff. The Pætland National Army is directly responsible to the Army General Staff, which is headed by the Chief of the General Staff. Of all the branches of the military, the Army has the greatest share of the military budget allocated to it and is generally held to have the most influence - in particular, retaining cantonment lands which the army governs and derives revenue from. The number of vehicles was around 2,000, the number of tanks was around 700 and the number of artillery pieces was approximately 560 as of the year 2020. The current Chief of the Army General Staff is Field Marshal Cuþbert Smiþ.

Navy
The Pætland National Navy, more commonly referred to as the Pætland Naval Forces or simply "the Navy" or "the Fleet", (þe Flēot) is the second most prestigious institution of the Pætlandic armed forces. Much like the army, the navy was formed from the naval gendarmerie and elements of the coastguard left over after decolonisation. Unlike the unique organisation of the army, the Pætland National Navy is organised into regular battle-fleets which patrol the coast and defend Pætland's territorial integrity against incursion from outside - whether from state aggression or from enterprising foreigners seeking to infringe upon Pætland's fishing waters. Around 700 servicemen are enlisted in the navy, whom serve on a cutter, sixteen patrol boats and four recently acquired missile boats. The cutter and six of the patrol boats are of older make and are expected to be replaced within the decade. Whilst these naval vessels are small in number, the navy has for many decades leased ships from the Pætlandic Coastguard which bulk out the navy's capabilities. The Navy retains its own air force, though this number is insubstantial and all but one of their helicopter fleet are leased from the Coastguard. This is largely due to the force having atrophied with the advent of an independent Air Force. The Navy is headed by Chief of the Navy General Staff, Marshal-at-Sea Goskynddelig Tywysog. He is the first Marshal-at-Sea since the tenure of the disgraced Ælfred Beoccason.

Air Force
The Pætland National Air Force is the newest branch of the military, having been divorced from the army in 1984. With 3,000 personnel, 94 out of a total fleet of 120 aircraft are combat-capable. Most are short-range fighter jets. There are eight units of the Air Force, one being dedicated to storage, one to anti-aircraft and another to radio-technical work. The Air Force has the fewest assets and the least commitment in the budget compared to other branches of the military but is rapidly rising in the public's esteem, especially from the valiant patriotism of Air Marshal Sygtryggr Asgeirsson, who was a moderating influence during the brief military dictatorship 1991-1995. Air Marshal Asgeirsson continues to serve as the Chief of the Aerial General Staff.

Other armed services
The Central Intelligence Executive maintains a small force called the deed-army (Dædfyrd) which acts as the main element of Pætland's special forces. Maintained as part of the state's "black budget" the Dædfyrd acts to preserve the national interests of Pætland, through a variety of advanced tactics cloaked in subterfuge. The Prime Ministerial Security Service is a separate organisation directly responsible to the office of the Prime Minister, and is responsible for their security as well as the security of other prominent politicians (usually members of the governing party). It was established in 2001 after a notorious incident against Prime Minister Bældæg Lofiantilƿōden. The Border Guard was split from the Army in 2019, but remains under the command of the Army of Fire (the foremost of the "land orders"). It is currently led by Field Lieutenant Þeodƿīne Hƿēolƿyrhta. The Border Guard does not patrol the border but rather staffs and maintains border crossings.