Sabbatarianism in Seogwan

Sabbatarianism is the largest religion in Seogwan. The vast majority of Sabbatarianists in the country are, and believe in forms of (') as have been  from indigenous (') and neighboring faiths.

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Founding of the Caliphate
The area of modern-day Seogwan had been annexed by the Takhuit dynasty of Mennefer as early as 203 CE. After the collapse of the dynasty in 714 CE, Seogwan became formally independent, but had been left financially devastated and severely decentralized into hundreds of kingdoms of varying sizes. In the meantime, White-Cap Sabbatarianists began assuming political control in Mennefer. Not long after, Seogwan was met with an influx of proselytizers from the north, and a deliberative assembly of all Seogwanese kings was held in 802 CE to address the emergency. After a month's worth of argumentations and settlements between the various kings, the Seogwanese Caliphate (–1796 CE) was proclaimed as a encompassing all of Seogwan. Sabbatarianism had thus become the of Seogwan primarily for administrative reasons, whereby  was viewed as an avenue for undermining, and for amending relations with Mennefer.

Only under Caliph Belrušu (reigning 1014–49) were the foundations and impetuses laid out for the of the commoners. In particular, temples and were forcibly turned into. Jaatunism returned to the forefront in Mennefer by the 11th century, leaving many persecuted Sabbatarianists to seek refuge in Seogwan, and they too helped relay Sabbatarianism to the common people. By the start of the 13th century, Sabbatarianism was decisively a majority religion in Seogwan. Under the Caliphate, comprehensive schools (') were built, which led to the rise of an —made of scholars ('), judges ('), and enforcers (') among others—all set to interpret and apply () in everyday settings. The Caliphate entered a "golden era" (roughly 1300–1600) as characterized by many advances in, and ; all of which trickled down to neighboring states. The Caliphate is also accredited with spreading Sabbatarianism to annexed areas in Tagol, by means of non-violent ().

Purposivism and mysticism
In, the golden era marked the beginning of (ܢܝܼܝܼܝܼܿ Niyyiyya) as a movement espoused by scholar Suusaandar of Ghalzur (1301–1359), in which the Holy Recitation () was regarded as "", "at times incompatible with the  in the Caliphate", and therefore necessitating "a breath of  to its ." According to that school of thought, the Qeryana continued to be the principal, but a revelation "tainted with many of the past" and which should "by no means disparage the manifestations of  in the current time." Thus the primary goal of purposivism was to elevate the status of spiritual accounts (') by established figures—such as saints ('), priests ('), and educators (')—especially those native to Seogwan. In the most radical of cases, purposivism advocated for lessening the importance of in Seogwanese canon, citing that the "Prophet is but a long-departed figurehead with no relevance or impact on Seogwanese lives, apart from His fortune in being the founder of the faith" (an argument often inspired by 13:43). Purposivism was met with fierce opposition from, with some debates between scholars of competing movements settled by physical confrontations and.

While surfacially an to all that is White-Cap, purposivism was founded upon actual Sabbatarianist principles of  (fiqh), such as "contextual analogy" (') and "independent reasoning" (') and "the right to disagree" (), which had all been practiced for centuries before the movement's appearance. (tasawwuf), primarily in the form of persisting beliefs from the and, had an immense influence on purposivism. At a time when most scriptural knowledge was transmitted from priest to the congregated, otherwise inexplicable events (whether public or private) were left to popular imagination and interpretation, which subsequently formed popular "." A secondary goal of purposivism was to uplift and affirm this wisdom, for it was argued that knowledge ultimately comes through Allah and not Scripture alone, and that He manifests Himself in both ostensible and mysterious ways. Various passages from the Qeryana (among others 2:269; 16:125; 57:3; 62:2) had been used to support this, but also notably ahadit ( 2713a). Tolerance for these interpretations and "" was not always easy, with the textualist opposition decrying "" (meaning "sinful ") at every example, but purposivists maintained that "injustices to the  will be rectified " (by elaborating on 6:106–113) and sided with the common people who believed they had, even if dubiously, witnessed Allah in one way or the other. In turn, this helped foster an environment of in purposivist schools, whereby disciples addressed their educators as equals and as peers in the. Hamid Karbu (1473–1516), a polymath () and personal tutor to Caliph Keenu-gimillu (reigning 1501–1524), used his position to persuade the Caliph to make purposivism official. Some accounts say that he had kneeled down before the Caliph and kissed his hand "for a hundred thousand times" in submission, begging him to consider "the progeny of Seogwan" as was the customary of purposivists, who thought of their movement as a way to celebrate ethnic identity and promote national unity. (It is also argued that purposivism was fueled by, especially towards perceived "savages" and "infidels" in Tagol.) More dubious accounts say that the outcome was decided on a game of. On 4 Chirwol 1516, the Caliph decreed an "immediate application of purposivist rhetoric in all mosques and madaris"; the date is considered to be the start of the "Purposivist Reformation" (ܐܝܼܣܠܵܗܘܼ ܢܝܼܝܝܼܝܵܬܝܼܢ  Niyyiyyatin). The decree triggered a nationwide Textualist Rebellion (1516–18) with many incurred casualties, including the assassination of Hamid Karbu by a (mukbir).

After the rebellion was quelled, disciples of Hamid Karbu appealed to the Caliph for permission to translate the Qeryana into. "The rebellion," it was deemed, "had catastrophic consequences to the masses, who did not deserve to be caught in the crossfire. If they were to read the Qeryana in a language more homely, maybe they would forgive us for this transgression of their peace, by understanding the reasoning behind the war." (In, peace and prosperity in the , at the height of Seogwanese expansionism, was considered the highest achievement of the Caliphate.) Permission was granted and the translation surfaced in 1523. It was the earliest book in Seogwan to be published using on, a method originating in Jungju that only reached Napsal a decade prior. At a time when common people had no knowledge of or were otherwise apathetic towards Sabbatarianist scripture, the Maikhan translation helped form the very first generation of "proper believers" ()—as later philosophers remarked.

The victory of purposivism over textualism was a monumental and unprecedented accomplishment in Seogwan. , divinations, and forms of mysticism were given the "benefit of the doubt" and officially permitted to be with canonical White-Cap Sabbatarianism. The mutual borrowing of ideas between Sabbatarianism and in Tagol, as had since been facilitated by this shift in policy, ultimately helped White-Cap faith more in establishing authority and garnering respect among the Caliphate's subjects, while also easing the efforts to.

During the Protectorate
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Modern history
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Dietary habits
Consumption of was legalized in 1963 but has been a controversial topic throughout the history of Sabbatarianism in Seogwan. Many such controversies persist to this day and justify Seogwan's low (albeit rising) alcohol consumption per capita. and had been popular drinks in ancient Seogwan and in its rituals, so that by the time the Seogwanese Caliphate was proclaimed, many people did not take kindly to prohibitions on alcohol. , especially in areas of worship (4:43), was to be seen as a virtue for the first time in Seogwanese history. In the ', the word "wine" ('; typically from or ) appears to broadly mean any intoxicating substance (2:219; 5:90), defined so by  among others. The majority of the converted populace, especially those who would later become textualists, therefore abstained from all varieties of.

Texts of everyday life in the Caliphate however reveal that , an intoxicating drink from grapes and, continued to be consumed in secrecy. A common practice was to drink it from an opaque container with a lid (such as a  jar), or at the very least cover the drinking cup's top with one's palm, as to best prevent Allah from noticing the sin. Arak (or 𒍪𒌅 zutu "sweat" in ) had been invented in ancient Habdah (first documented in the 8th century CE) then brought over to Seogwan in the 9th century by Sabbatarianist refugees. It is plausible then that arak was viewed as a more tame and less sinful alcoholic beverage to ordinary wine due to the inherent symbolism of these refugees as bringers of enlightenment. But another possibility is the inconspicuousness of arak's white—almost lacteous—color. The to obtain arak was first analyzed by Seogwanese chemists in the 12th century, which further supports how popular arak was. Roughly a hundred years later, arak had reached Jeongmi through Mennefer and Nukigurun, effectively becoming (although the term 아락주 arak-ju remains in use in rural Hobuk [West Jeongmi], where the first distilleries were set up). The subject of arak caught the attention of Jeongmian colonists, who in their personal diaries from the late 16th century onwards remarked "[that arak was] a savage and unkempt soju that befits its timid consumption," and erroneously insinuated that arak had instead originated from Jeongmi. The Textualist Rebellion in Seogwan had little consequence on the prohibition of alcohol. By that time, Seogwan was entangled in the question of newly-introduced, which were initially prohibited under the same intoxication rule. These included ' (typically the resin of ) and the ' plant of Dembiya (ultimately from mainland Miju). (named after 𒃷𒈾𒁍 qunnabu "" in ) had been exported to Seogwan from central Yoju as early as 2000 BCE, but domestic cultivation was sparse and its methods eventually forgotten near 500 BCE. Upon its re-introduction in the 16th century, it is alleged that the Seogwanese physician Basri Mešarrahulla invented the (huqqa) to smoke hashish, and the instrument as well as the practice quickly caught on among nobility of both Napsal and Tagol. Pipe-bearers continued to be part of the nobles' throughout the Protectorate era.

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Gender roles
Significant rights were afforded to women well before the introduction of Sabbatarianism in Seogwan. In ancient Seogwan, women were able to own businesses and land, live on their own, and become powerful stateswomen and monarchs. Early texts written in praised women for their ingenuity and wisdom, as well as their natural affection and femininity. Elite women (awiilaatum) were in charge of their own households and servants, and were often engaged in commercial affairs; (naditum) and  (kulmašiitum) formed the majority of the clergy class; lower-class women (part of the muškeenum-class) worked in the agricultural and service sectors, typically under contract with a master but bestowed more rights than outright slave women (amaatum). King Šuppiliuliuma's caudex of law (c. 1154 BCE) for the first time recorded and substantiated pre-existing women's rights to ownership, consensual marriage, and divorce and compensations. Beginning in the first millennium BCE however, as empires became more populated and, the contributions and symoblisms of women in society were gradually obfuscated. Some feminine deities in the were replaced with male counterparts, midwives were increasingly seen as demonic, and a general distrust permeated towards women of a free status. In the deliberative assembly of 802 CE, when Sabbatarianism was declared the, the presence and subsequent influence of noble women was minimal, proving that ancient Seogwan had by then transformed into a.

The transition to Sabbatarianism only served to further segregate women initially, who although spiritual equals according to the  (33:35) were to stick to the subserviently (4:34). They were subject to prejudice in law (2:282), but since the Qeryana prohibited "unfair treatment" towards women (4:19), was punishable by. The common interpretation under the Seogwanese Caliphate was that is permitted (4:3), and thus caliphs and other nobles usually took, in particular from conquered areas in Tagol as to cherish  and orphaned women, as well as to demoralize the enemy. () was punishable in favor of, and all male servants of a royal court were.

Despite the aforementioned limitations imposed on women, they were permitted to study in, although only wealthy women could afford it. Men who permitted their women to study were for a long time also mocked as "effeminate" or "cuckolds". It is argued that women's presence in education helped reform Sabbatarianism in their favor during the "golden era". Suusaandar of Ghalzur (1301–1359) and (1291–1343) were pioneers in a  named wasatiyyah or "moderationism". By acknowledging that women had been barred from in their communities, and that their isolation therefrom contributed to their religious ignorance and subsequent distrust by their male peers, the two philosophers advocated, using, for a re-evaluation of cultural traditions that have been adopted "indiscriminately" from the Qeryana without the proper adaptation (or rather  "analogy") into Seogwanese societal order. Moderationists attempted to include women in religious life and education, but true and practical empowerment of women would only appear in the 20th century and onwards.

Wealthy women in the Caliphate also wore an elaborate Sabbatarianist veil () as a sign of piety and (cf. 33:59), but this was never made mandatory as its scriptural meaning was perpetually disputed. More specifically, argued for an entirely metaphysical meaning (as seen in 38:32; 41:5; 42:51), where the veil was a  against the evils of the world. Following the Textualist Rebellion (1516–18), a compromise was made between textualists and mysticists, where the choice to wear a veil fell exclusively to women, but the meaning of the veil was left unanswered. Historian Takeuchi Hisato explains, "the rebellion left many devastated and unwilling to pursue the argument further. The debate on the hijab seemingly had little purpose when women were vastly uneducated in Sabbatarianist scripture and were likely to accept either imposed decision. In the end, the meaning of the hijab is what you make of it, like the . The hijab signifies the —as the symbol of piety and purpose in an otherwise meaningless world; as an empowering veil against the obstacles of life." The veil had been banned in the later Seogwanese Protectorate (1796–1959) but not forgotten, and in the Maikh Polytechnic uprising (1969) it became a symbol of and  among students. According to the testimony of one student, "the hijab had been overlooked as a keepsake and a relic of the past, but almost overnight it became a symbol for the progressive youth."

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